2 Maccabees (Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature) by Daniel R. Schwartz

By Daniel R. Schwartz

2 Maccabees is a Jewish paintings composed throughout the 2d century BCE and preserved through the Church. Written in Hellenistic Greek and advised from a Jewish-Hellenistic standpoint, 2 Maccabees narrates and translates the ups and downs of occasions that came about in Jerusalem sooner than and through the Maccabean insurrection: institutionalized Hellenization and the root of Jerusalem as a polis; the persecution of Jews through Antiochus Epiphanes, observed through recognized martyrdoms; and the uprising opposed to Seleucid rule through Judas Maccabaeus. 2 Maccabees is a crucial resource either for the occasions it describes and for the values and pursuits of the Judaism of the Hellenistic diaspora that it displays - that are frequently particularly various from these represented by means of its competitor, I Maccabees.

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Extra resources for 2 Maccabees (Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature)

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NOTE on 4:16, those for whose ways …), so if Jason’s account did not detail the end of Menelaus, or did not do so very colorfully, we can well understand that our author would be happy to supplement Jason’s materials at this point if he found something suitable for the purpose. The conjecture that the narrative on Menelaus’ death at 13:3–8 is based upon a separate source derives strong additional support from two types of considerations: (a) internal: There is, in this passage, a concatenation of Persian motifs: “king of kings” (v.

Problem 1 would be eliminated if Chapter 13 came before Chapter 11, Problem 3 would be eliminated if Philip rebelled in Antioch (Chapter 13) before fleeing to Egypt (Chapter 9), and Problem 5 would be eliminated if Chapter 13, which ends with σψν και (v. 25) and with Lysias going to Antioch, came before Chapter 12, which opens with a reference to the just-concluded σψν και and to Lysias going to the king. 61 61 It should be underlined that Ch. 13, beginning with its first two verses, has Eupator acting independently, and Lysias at his side; there is no recognition of the fact that Eupator was a young boy and Lysias was his guardian.

As a point of departure we must realize that, as is obvious from the way he presented Chapter 11, and by the way it was read by just about everyone 65 66 67 For the suggestion that Ch. 11 derives from a separate, Seleucid, source, see already Bar-Kochva, JM, 276. His suggestion is based on the accuracy of the distance noted at 11:5, in contrast to what is usual for our book. But cf. below, p. 454. And note, in this connection, that Ch. 13 includes formulations that are very similar to those appearing elsewhere in our book; compare for example 13:25 ( δψσφ ροψν … ετε ν τ « διαστ λσει«) to 14:28 (δψσφ ρ « φερεν, ε τ διεσταλμωνα ετ σει); places full of δωοψ« κα ταραξ « in 13:16 and 3:30; blaspheming peoples in 13:11 and 10:4, 34–36; π π»σι το « δικα οι« σψνελ η (13:23)// σψλλ εσ αι π π»σι το « δικα οι« (11:14); Judas assigns motto “God’s victory” (13:15)//Judas assigns motto “God’s help” (8:23).

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